Saturday, June 28, 2025

Statement on the Condition of the American Left

Many communists would ask: Why is the Committee for a Communist Labor Party a necessity? Are there not half-a-dozen communist organizations and parties already in operation nationally? We could reply simply: They are revisionists. They are opportunists. Yet to use these words without elaboration is not contributing anything productive to the discussion nor cultivating productive discourse on these concepts.

Let us define what we mean by revisionist and opportunist.


The US communist movement is revisionist in that it deviates from Marxist principles and adopted a rendition of “communism” harmless to the capitalists. One of the oldest nominally communist parties in the United States today, the Communist Party USA, denies the need for a social revolution to overthrow capitalism and endorse members of the center-right, anti-communist Democratic Party.

“... People who pronounce themselves in favour of the method of legislative reform in place and in contradistinction to the conquest of political power and social revolution, do not really choose a more tranquil, calmer and slower road to the same goal, but a different goal. Instead of taking a stand for the establishment of a new society they take a stand for surface modifications of the old society. If we follow the political conceptions of revisionism, we arrive at the same conclusion that is reached when we follow the economic theories of revisionism. Our program becomes not the realisation of socialism, but the reform of capitalism; not the suppression of the wage labour system but the diminution of exploitation, that is, the suppression of the abuses of capitalism instead of suppression of capitalism itself.”
— Rosa Luxemburg, Reform or Revolution, Chapter 8.


Other parties within the opportunist camp, like the Party for Socialism and Liberation, twist the meaning of socialism by defending the policies and actions of the modern People’s Republic of China, which imposes a social-imperialist1 order and has long undergone the capitalist road of development over the socialist road.2 China today has a state-capitalist economy built upon exploitation of the Chinese working class and debt-trap diplomacy.3 Those who consider the Chinese model to be “socialist” in truth seek to reproduce that same model of capitalism, regardless of whether they intend for it or not.

In addition to these errors, all of these organizations suffer from chronic bureaucratism and are isolated from the masses, not applying the mass line4 and therefore not acting in accord with the masses material needs and desires.


Mao Zedong once argued in his 1937 essay titled “On Contradiction”, “it is through internal causes that external causes become operative.” In other words, it is not chiefly through the external influences of the capitalists that the revolutionary movement is made impotent, but rather through its internal shortcomings — revisionism, opportunism, etc.


If the failures and irrelevance of the American communist movement can be attributed to these internal problems (revisionism, opportunism, etc.), it follows that we must resolve them. Further, if we aim for a state that represents a democracy of the working class, it necessarily follows that these conditions must be resolved through direct engagement with and empowerment of the workers.

Thus, the Committee for a Communist Labor Organization hopes to achieve the following:


Firstly, to create a party of a new type. We are building a party which understands the needs of its members and empowers them to act in a democratic manner. We seek to build an organization which operates in a manner free from the bureaucracy of the previous organizations of the American communist movement through accountability structures that flow from the bottom of the organization, a Marxist psychology based in historical materialism, and a revolutionary application of the mass line in all fields of struggle.


Secondly, to advocate and develop a living Marxism. This will be a Marxism which is, in all ways, free from the chains that impeded previous implementations of Marxism — dogmatism, revisionism, and adventurism. This will be a Marxism which, through informed practice, develops in accord with modern demands and the needs of the working class. This will be a Marxism which in all capacities upholds the principle “ruthless criticism of all that exists.”7


It is only through this path that the US communist movement can be reborn into a force which is truly effective against the capitalist system.


Workers of the world unite!

Notes:


  1. Social-imperialism is the imperialism which develops in former socialist states which have restored capitalism


  1. The socialist society can only go in two directions — or roads, metaphorically speaking — the capitalist path or the socialist-communist path. It is a society in constant movement in one way or the other.


  1. Debt-trap diplomacy refers to when a creditor-state (an imperialist state) lends money to a borrower-state (semi-colonial state) that cannot pay its debts, with the strategic intent of gaining political, and economic leverage over the borrower state. Debt-trap diplomacy is one of the main mechanisms of imperialism today, as seen with the International Monetary Fund and China's Belt and Road Initiative.


  1. The mass line is best summed up as the principle “from the masses, to the masses.” With the mass line, the party constantly interacts with the people to hear their grievances, understand their needs, and provide Marxist solutions to them.

  2. Historical materialism is a method of analyzing history that focuses on how economic and social relations shape and are shaped by material conditions, power dynamics, modes of production, and historical contexts over time.


  1. Adventurism refers to risky and aggressive actions taken without careful consideration of the consequences of those actions. Adventurists often believe that individual actions outweigh the actions of the collective. They are right only insofar as their actions lead to persecution of the collective, regardless of the collective's actual culpability in the actions of the adventurist. Examples of adventurism include but are not limited to armed insurrection, terrorism, and other acts of violence; especially when conducted without public support, long-planning, or strategic direction.


  1. See Marx’s September 1843 letter to Ruge.

Thursday, June 26, 2025

Who Gets to be Free? Property vs. Democracy

 by Hazel Walker

 Preface by Saul Wenger

The propaganda of the modern American state propagates the claim that the United States represents not only a democracy, but one of the greatest democracies on Earth! This propaganda holds that the United States is shining beacon to which, in characteristic American chauvinism, is declared to be a model all nations must follow.

Rooted in this notion is the liberal belief that the modern capitalist democracy in the United States treats all strata equally without any form of class domination. This article by Comrade Hazel Walker refutes this stance and proposes an alternative paradigm for understanding United States history — that of a slaving, plutocratic, settler-colonial state founded on genocide and the crudest forms of the exploitation of the majority by the capitalist minority.

Introduction

America is often hailed as “the land of the free,” but what does freedom actually mean in this country? For many, it has always meant something specific: the liberty of a small, powerful class of property owners and capitalists to control, exploit, and profit. From the founding documents to modern political rhetoric, American liberty has been grounded in the principle of private property, which has shaped both the legal and social structures of this nation. This deep connection between property and freedom has led to a fundamental contradiction — democracy, in its true form, becomes nearly impossible in a society built on wealth inequality.

In this article, we will trace the philosophical and political roots of American freedom, exploring the influence of thinkers like John Locke and the ways his ideas were woven into the nation’s founding principles. We will examine how property ownership became a key marker of liberty and how this has historically excluded marginalized groups, from Indigenous people to women and Black Americans. Further, we’ll explore the contradictions inherent in a capitalist system that champions competition while simultaneously concentrating wealth and power in the hands of a few. Finally, we’ll ask the central question: “Freedom for whom?” and argue that true freedom in America can only be achieved when the economy and government are structured to serve the needs of all people, not just the wealthy few.

The Pursuit of Happiness and the Right to Estate

Allow us to begin our investigation of American Freedom with our Declaration of Independence, in which founding father Thomas Jefferson famously wrote:

“We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.–That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, –That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government […]”
Transcript of the Declaration of Independence, National Archives

The idea that a government ought to derive its right to rule from the consent of the governed, the interests of “Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness” sounds like a noble set of ideals, that hardly anybody would contest. But beyond vague platitudes of freedom and democracy, what do we actually mean when we speak of these ideals?

John Locke wrote in his 1698 work, “Treatises of of Civil Government”, that all men have equal and provable rights under the so called “laws of nature” to “life, liberty and estate”. He said the same thing in his work of the same year, titled “A Letter Concerning Toleration” where he wrote that:

“Civil interests I call life, liberty, health, and indolency of body; and the possession of outward things, such as money, lands, houses, furniture, and the like. It is the duty of the civil magistrate, by the impartial execution of equal laws, to secure unto all the people in general and to every one of his subjects in particular the just possession of these things belonging to this life.”

– John Locke, A Letter Concerning Toleration, pg.6

John Locke’s writings would go on to influence the liberal-democratic thinkers who came after him, including the political establishment of colonial America. In 1774, the First Continental Congress of the American Colonies would meet to publish a statement in protest of the “Intolerable Acts”, passed by British Parliament. In this statement titled “Declaration and Resolves of the First Continental Congress” they argue that,

“they [the inhabitants of the English Colonies] are entitled to life, liberty and property: and they have never ceded to any foreign power whatever, a right to dispose of either without their consent.”
Declaration and Resolves of the First Continental Congress, 1774 [Brackets mine]

In other words, the Americans rebelled against the British because they saw the British government as trespassing on the rights to property held by the American colonists. The right to property is to an American, the right to the pursuit of happiness. The fact that the framers of our constitution saw the right to property ownership as a cornerstone of a just democratic society, is incontestable.

Private Property and Blood, the Historic Exclusion of Marginalized Groups

But the rhetoric of natural rights was never meant for all — and it was enforced with violence. Polices like the Homestead Act were written with this understanding, as in early America white settlers sought to pursue their own happiness and freedom by claiming their own property, where he may live free of government interference. For a time, most white Americans could be called “free” in this sense. But for white Europeans immigrating to America, freedom meant conquest. Land was liberty, and liberty came through dispossession.

The land that America was built on was not uninhabited. Every inch of American soil was fought for and paid in native blood. The Indigenous people who came before us were forcefully pushed off their lands. Those who signed treaties with the Americans were betrayed, and pushed further and further to the west as American settlers continually violated colonial agreements with native peoples.

Further, the right to property ownership was restricted to propertied white men only. Women were seen as lesser than men, and were forced to cede their property to their husbands upon getting married. Until the Equal Credit Opportunity act of 1974, many women were legally denied the right to even open their own credit and banking accounts, in other words the right to financial independence. Black people on the other hand, were treated only as property, and they only gained the federal right to property ownership after the passing of the Civil Rights Act of 1866, after the American Civil War. Because the right to vote was tied to property ownership, Women, Black people, and other minorities were in this way systemically denied the right to political enfranchisement.

In other words, the freedom of America, the ideals that this country was founded upon, really referred to the freedom of property owners, land owners, the rich and wealthy, white-male establishment, rather than the general public.

The Contradiction of Capitalism

Even ignoring the racial and sexual inequities of American propertied freedom, American freedom has always been tethered to property — not people. In a world of Ideals where everyone is entitled to the right, or at least the opportunity to own land, all would be free in theory. However, this conception of universal freedom is inconsistent with the material and economic reality of American Capitalism.

Proponents of the capitalist system will often speak of the benefits of competition between enterprises. Buyers compete with other buyers to obtain goods and services, and sellers compete with other sellers to obtain the patronage of buyers. Through the competition of competing firms in a free market, prices are inevitably driven down. The capitalist who can bring about the lowest price, and the highest volume of goods and services sold, will generally win out in the end.

Marxist economists also understand this very well. As the means to produce are further developed the amount of effort, labor power, needed to produce a given commodity is reduced. Through machine tools, automation, and the division of labor, the productive potential of the economy is increased, and the price of goods fall. The rate of profit in this way has a tendency to be lessened for each individual commodity. Therefore in order to combat this tendency of the rate of profit to fall, capitalists must expand their business to new markets or increase the exploitation of the markets they are already in. Those capitalists who fail to lower their prices and innovate upon the productive capacity of their firms will inevitably be run out of business by more competitive firms, because buyers have a tendency to prefer cheaper and more accessible products over products that are expensive and antiquated.

Where the proponents of capitalist economy fall short in their analysis, is that they fail to take the competition between capitalist firms to it’s logical conclusion. Eventually somebody wins the race. Somebody gets first, second, and third place. The competition comes to an end, as all processes do. Over time the less competitive firms are run out of business, and the market becomes cornered by a small group of business cartels and monopolies. Those who were ran out of business inevitably find themselves cast into the lower class of workers and paupers, as economic power centralizes in the hands of a few.

Marx wrote about this in his seminal work, Capital Volume One, where he argued that:

“The greater the social wealth, the functioning capital, the extent and energy of its growth, and, therefore, also the absolute mass of the proletariat and the productiveness of its labour, the greater is the industrial reserve army. The same causes which develop the expansive power of capital, develop also the labour power at its disposal. The relative mass of the industrial reserve army increases therefore with the potential energy of wealth. But the greater this reserve army in proportion to the active labour army, the greater is the mass of a consolidated surplus population, whose misery is in inverse ratio to its torment of labour. The more extensive, finally, the lazarus layers of the working class, and the industrial reserve army, the greater is official pauperism. This is the absolute general law of capitalist accumulation.
Karl Marx, Capital Volume One, Chapter 25, 1867

In this way, the supposed ‘freedom’ of capitalism is fundamentally at odds with real freedom for the majority of people. The expansion of capital inevitably leads to monopolies and cartels, where wealth becomes concentrated in fewer hands, leaving the working class to bear the costs of that accumulation.

Even in colonial America, we already saw the embryo of capitalist accumulation. By the year 1774 50.7% of the wealth held by those legally eligible to even hold wealth in the first place was held by only 10% of the population of the Thirteen Colonies. 1 Keep in mind, this number doesn’t even include the masses of black people, indigenous people, and women in the calculation, who were denied property rights altogether. This contradiction, wherein the freedom of the white man was defined by a right to property ownership in an economy where a small class of elites already owned most of the land, was only offset by colonial expansion of homesteading to the west as settlers found themselves pressured to expand westward to stake their own claim on indigenous soil.

However, eventually there was no more west to conquer, and the lands of the first nations were occupied by white men. Railroads and fences cut through the grazing land of native cattle herders, and indigenous people were left with smaller and smaller parcels of desolate and isolated land. With no more room for expansion, the law of capitalist accumulation was allowed to play out freely, and eventually white farmers would be gradually pushed off their stolen lands in favor of agricultural conglomerates.

Democracy Denied

Despite the legal victories of the past century, true democratic participation remains elusive. The rhetoric of ‘equal rights’ has not transformed into a functional democracy, but rather a system where the majority of citizens are politically disenfranchised by economic inequalities perpetuated by capitalist structures.

Today the right to vote and other democratic freedoms are no longer necessarily restricted to those who hold property. In theory, Black people, Indigenous people, women, and all other historically marginalized groups have achieved legal equality, but centuries of exclusion from property and wealth created deep structural disparities, where the majority of those within the ruling class end up being white men anyways, because they had already won the game before the rest of America had even gotten the chance to play it. All that has changed now, is that in accordance with the laws of capital accumulation, the average white man has been cast into the same class of unpropertied workers that most Americans find themselves in today.

As of 2021, 36% of America’s households are renters. 1 Even among those Americans who are fortunate enough to own their own homes, even fewer own their means of subsistence. During the age of Manifest Destiny, white Americans didn’t just own their homes, they owned their farms and they lived off the land. However as of 2023, only 7% of Americans actually own a business. 2

Further, even though all citizens have the same legal rights in theory, in practice the general public is still politically disenfranchised. According to a study from Princeton University, average citizens and mass based interest groups have “little or no” influence on U.S. government policy. Pro-change democratic majorities only get the policies that they want 30% of the time. Further, even in the event of super-majorities where 80% of the public overwhelmingly favors a policy, that policy still has only a 43% chance of being passed into law. 3

As of 2020, 63% of Adult Americans say that the government should ensure access to healthcare, and 36% of Americans say this should be done through a single national government program, while only 30% support the current system of Medicare and Medicaid. Meanwhile, only 6% of Americans say there should be no government involvement of any kind. 4In spite of this, we still see politicians pushing to undermine efforts to improve government healthcare programs, and even go as far as to cut existing healthcare polices. For example, the Trump administration has cut the affordable care act by 90%, to only ten million dollars. 5

88% of Americans say that cannabis should be legal for medical or recreational consumption, yet it remains federally illegal. 6 62% of Americans support a 15$ per hour federal minimum wage, in spite of the fact that the federal minimum wage remains a paltry and unlivable 7.25$ an hour. 7 85% of Americans support federally mandated paid medical leave, 82% support paid maternal leave for new mothers, and 69% support paid paternal leave for new fathers. 8 In spite of this there is no federally mandated paid medical or family leave. 77% of Americans support limiting the amount of money that individuals and groups can spend on electoral campaigns. 9 In spite of this, Super PACs, 501c4 Nonprofits, and Joint Fundraising Committees are allowed to donate hundreds of thousands and sometimes even millions of dollars to electoral campaigns.

Regardless of whether or not you support any of these policies, it cannot be denied that the enactment of these polices are the will of the democratic majority in America. Yet we do not see these policies being pushed into federal law, because they are blocked by politicians paid off by financial interest groups. How ironic is it that the same politicians that preach to us about upholding our democracy and defending our republic are the ones who are participating in the same system of financial corruption and backroom deals. Our democracy has been bought and paid for.

Freedom for Whom?

Returning now to our Declaration of independence do you have a right to life when you are denied coverage for life-saving and preventative medical care, and stripped of the right to a livable wage? Do you have a right to liberty, when your democratic voice can be overshadowed by the interests of money in politics? Do you have a right to the pursuit of happiness when property has been allowed to accumulate in the hands of a small heavily racially segregated class of society that does not share your interests?

Even if we were to turn back the clock of history itself, redistribute the wealth so that ownership of private property is equally distributed among society, because of the very same laws of capital accumulation that got us here in the first place, we would inevitably find ourself in the same circumstances of today, where political power is invariably isolated in the hands of the ruling class of capitalists and financial investors. It would be tantamount to replacing companies Blackrock, Apple, Amazon, and Google with a different set of monopolists. In fact this has been done before. U.S. Steel, Standard Oil, AT&T and the American Tabbaco company were all broken up by antitrust laws. Yet in spite of this, new monopolists and cartels have always taken their place. Its doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different results.

Thus we may now answer the central question of this article. Freedom for whom? When the vast majority of working people are systematically denied the right to property in a society where political power is centralized in the hands of those who hold property, it can hardly be said that there is any such thing as real practical democracy for most Americans. In other words, America is a financial oligarchy, and it has always been dominated by financial interest and the interests of big land owners and slave owners over those of the working class.

So we must ask ourselves do we want freedom for the people, the public? Or do we want freedom for the capitalist class? Do we want the freedom for businesses to exploit their workers while the government that is support to protect the rights of the public looks the other way? Or do we want the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, not just for the rich, but everybody?

Therefore, we must move beyond the traditional constraints of private property ownership, and advocate for the socialist mode of production. Because only when the means of production in society, today’s property is organized on a democratic basis for the workers, when capital accumulation gives away, can we truly have a functional democracy that is impervious to financial manipulation.

The current constitution is often described as a defense of our natural and inalienable rights. However this perspective fails to understand the complex machine of money, power, and influence that allows for the ruling class to maintain their power. We don’t have rights today because a small group of rich people felt pitiful and decided to hand it to us. Black Men faced the possibility of being lynched for voting yet they still chose to show up to the polls. Women were beaten for marching through the streets. Gay and Trans people had to riot in Stonewall before we ever had the right to gay marriage and gender affirming care.

Rights can overturned, constitutions can be amended or ignored. In 2022 Roe v. Wade was overturned and women lost the federal right to safe abortions. The current Trump Administration has decided that it can just deport U.S. Citizens even legal migrants with no trial or hearing to countries they have never even been to. As the Trump administration marches ever onward and erodes legal norms, the ruling class violates the agreements and concessions made to the working class.

Call to Action

The Declaration of Independence clearly states,

“That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends [Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness], it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government… it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security.”
Transcript of the Declaration of Independence, National Archives [Brackets Mine]

The founding fathers may have narrowly interpreted the “pursuit of happiness” to serve their own interests, but that does not strip the words of the value that they should hold in the heart of every American. If we understand life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness as inalienable rights belonging to all people — especially workers, not just the wealthy and powerful — then the call for change becomes not only justified, but necessary. When the people are systematically disenfranchised, ignored by an increasingly authoritarian state, it is not just their right — it is their duty — to resist.

In conclusion, if we as Americans truly seek to honor the ideals we claim to uphold, then the current government must be dissolved by a mass movement of the democratic workers. A new and revolutionary democratic order — rooted in free political participation, public ownership of the economy, and government transparency — must be created. We must push for a complete reconstruction of our economy under a socialist mode of production. Only then can we build a society that is genuinely free and just for all, regardless of race, sex, gender identity, sexual orientation, age, disability, religion, or any other axis of oppression used to divide us. Only then can we truly say: we hold these truths to be self-evident, that all are created equal, and endowed with certain unalienable rights.

  1. Jones, Wealth of a Nation to be, Table 6.2; the Cambridge Economic History of the United States Volume One, pg 204
  2. Pew Research Center, As national eviction ban expires, a look at who rents and who owns in the U.S.
  3. Pew Research Center, As national eviction ban expires, a look at who rents and who owns in the U.S.
  4. Testing Theories of American Politics: Elites, Interest Groups, and Average Citizens
  5. Statista, Established business ownership rate in North America in 2023, by country
  6. Testing Theories of American Politics: Elites, Interest Groups, and Average Citizens
  7. Trump cuts to Affordable Care Act program will hit hard in Tampa Bay
  8. Most Americans Support a 15$ Federal Minimum Wage
  9. Americans Widely Support Paid Family and Medical Leave, but Differ Over Specific Policies

 

Revisionism: An Anti-Working Class Tendency

By Saul Wenger 

Preface by Hazel Walker: Why We Are Talking About Revisionism


This article, written by Saul Wenger — an American Marxist-Leninist-Maoist and writer for Living Marxism— takes on a subject that remains crucial to revolutionary politics today: revisionism. Accusations of revisionism are often dismissed as “sectarian,” and with some exceptions they are. However, as Wenger lays out clearly, revisionism isn’t a thing of the past. It’s an ongoing tendency that weakens working-class movements today.

I am endorsing this piece not because I am a Maoist, I'm not, but because Wenger's work takes the danger of revisionism seriously — not as a theoretical abstraction, but as a real-world force that has derailed revolutionary struggles time and time again.

This is not about dogma or purity. Our publication rejects rigid orthodoxy and empty posturing. But we also understand the importance of revolutionary theory — and when that when theory gets bent to serve the wrong class interests, it can do real damage.

Understanding revisionism is part of understanding how movements fail — and how we can build ones that don’t.

Workers of the world, unite!

Introduction

Revisionism is a phenomenon which has existed for nearly as long as Marxism has. The ramifications and damages of revisionism which have been inflicted on to revolutionary movements and organization has been incalculable, and the ideological and political struggle against revisionists and other opportunists in the working class movement has, for the longest time, constituted an integral element to the struggle against the capitalist system as a whole.


And so, with the immense importance of this topic, there are many new Marxists who are compelled to raise this question: What is revisionism?

There are three main responses which result. Firstly, the scientific, Marxist–Leninist answer is that revisionism is the seeping of capitalist, bourgeois ideology into proletarian ideology; the distortion (revision) of revolutionary theory to favor the interests of the capitalists and abate socialist revolution.

Secondly, the trivializers' answer, very often produced by revisionists themselves. They will deny the many forms revisionism has assumed and assumes presently, they regard revisionism not as a threat to the socialist movement and form of class struggle on the part of the bourgeoisie, but as very narrow, “historic” phenomena which did not manifest anywhere beyond the most clear of traitors in the revolutionary movement; the followers of Kautsky, Bernstein, etc. and other figures whose apex was over a century ago.

To the trivializers, to say revisionism is prevalent today and that many contemporary revisionists veil themselves as “Leninists” is to be sectarian, dogmatic, and so forth. They will assert with the most potent conviction that major questions such as supporting the inter-imperialist conflict between Russia and the Western countries and upholding China as a model of “socialism” are not the dividing lines between revolutionary communists and opportunists, but mere “tactical” disagreements, and will demand unity between the communists and opportunists for the sake of unity itself!

In short, those who propagate the second answer are at the very least in alignment with the revisionists themselves. They deny the need for anti-revisionist struggle, rejecting its inherent relation to anti-capitalist struggle, and in turn harm our movement.

Lastly, the third answer is one produced most often by many new “Marxists”. They will deny the damages of revisionism and the distortion of principles, arguing that revisionism represents a “positive” element in that any developments of theory to modern conditions (e.g. the development of Marxism into the age of imperialism; Leninism) is “revisionism”. Hence, they proudly proclaim themselves revisionists!

Despite the fallacious nature of the third position, it doubtlessly raises important questions which must be answered. The scientific development of Marxism into Marxism–Leninism must be distinguished from the revisionist deviations of Nikita Khrushchev,and other opportunist figures who veil their distortions to deceive the working class.

We must first enumerate the character of revisionism in the clearest way feasible, then address the tendencies of revisionism in order to concretely demonstrate the need for anti-revisionist struggle.

What is the Basis for Revisionism?

As stated previously, revisionism has stood as an enemy of Marxism for as long as Marxism was developed in the 19th century. In the time of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, their scientific theory was contested by a vast number of unscientific, utopian socialist tendencies which sought idealist, fantastical methods to introduce their envisioned society, largely without concern for class struggle.

Throughout the initial conflicts waged by the proletarian and bourgeoisie throughout the 19th century, the theories of Charles Fourier, Étienne Cabet, Robert Owen, and others were firmly repudiated by most of the working class in favor of communism. These anti-materialist tendencies were exposed as not being in service of the interests of the workers, but the backwards peasantry and petite-bourgeoisie, strata whose modus operandi was under threat by nascent industrial capitalism. An element of the declining utopians persisted in their only anti-Marxist attitudes in the form of anarchism and other “libertarian” tendencies, but many other realized that to fulfill their aims, they would have to distort Marxism from the inside in order to bend it to comply with the desires of the exploiters:

Pre-Marxist socialism has been defeated. It is continuing the struggle, no longer on its own independent ground, but on the general ground of Marxism, as revisionism.”
--Vladimir Lenin, Marxism and Revisionism


Hence, the basis for revisionism was born — movements which seek to infiltrate the working class movement and provide the presentation of Marxism in rhetoric and symbols, while concurrently being anti-Marxist and bourgeois in essentials.
 
From this, it can be discerned that revisionism serves as a powerful weapon on the part of the bourgeoisie in class struggle against the proletariat.

Revisionism verses Theoretical Development

A confusion exists regarding the matter of what separates revisionism from a progressive development of theory prevalent among new socialists. This confusion results in the inability to disambiguate between a development of theory as seen with Lenin and a deviation from it, particularly as revisionists in the past and present have attempted to distract from this critical distinction; asserting their deviations represent an “evolution” of Marxism in the same vain as Leninism is to classical Marxism.

In short, to revise Marxism (e.g. as done by Kautsky,  Khrushchev, etc.) is to weaken it, falsify it, and remove its revolutionary content in accord with the desires of the exploiters. Revisionism injects idealism, mysticism, and superstition into a science (Marxism). On the contrary, to make a progressive advancement of Marxist theory (e.g. that made by Lenin and Stalin) is to preserve its revolutionary contents if not make them more empowering to the working class movement. 
 
It is commonly stated, particularly amongst followers of revisionism, that aspects of Marxism must in fact be revised or otherwise omitted due to temporal developments; that since the time of Marx and Engels, or even Lenin and Stalin, are so distant from our own, that their words and ideas no longer hold meaning to the proletarian movement. This could not be further from reality:

"Consequently, when we speak of 'subjugating' natural forces or economic forces, of 'dominating' them, etc., this does not mean that man can 'abolish' or 'form' scientific laws. On the contrary, it only means that man can discover laws, get to know them and master them, learn to apply them with full understanding, utilize them in the interests of society, and thus subjugate them, secure mastery over them."

--Joseph Stalin, Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR

In this context, even if it were the case that the words of Marx and Engels are so archaic that they lack pertinence in our modern society, it is not the case that their words were incorrect. It is rather the case that the economic laws which governed the age of Marx and Engels have simply become inapplicable to our modern conditions; those laws have not disappeared from reality, they still exist, yet we have moved beyond them. But if we were to return to the relatively primitive capitalism as seen by Marx, those laws would be noticed again and would be applicable.

However, the understanding of capitalism as held by Marx and Engels has not become inapplicable to even our present condition. The development of our understanding as provided by Lenin and Stalin regarding imperialism and other concepts do not negate or replace the core content of Marxism, they rather augment it; build on to it.

How does Revisionism Take Hold?

The nature of revisionism as a counter-revolutionary tendency within revolutionary movements remains consistent between all contexts. Yet, its practical goals differs mainly in two ways. These are, firstly, revisionism which arises in movements in pre-revolutionary, capitalist countries, and, secondly, revisionism which takes hold of a revolutionary, socialist country.

Revisionism in capitalist countries

In pre-revolutionary countries of capitalism, by encouraging deviations which detach the communist party from the workers, by fostering reformism over revolution, and by propagating class collaboration and truce over struggle, revolutionary organizations are made impotent and harmless to the ruling class. If it fully takes hold of a country's communist movement, revisionism and opportunism have the capacity to bring a crippling halt to a socialist revolution in its infancy.

In the first wave of socialist revolutions at the end of the First World War, their potency and effectiveness was heavily negated by the prevalence of social-chauvinists and opportunists — the Kautskys, Bernsteins, Scheidemanns and others belonging to the Second International. These revisionist figures led the working class of their countries away from revolution and in support of the vicious imperialist war under the justification of “defense of the fatherland” and similar capitulations to bourgeois nationalism.

Less than two decades later, the working class resistance to the rise of fascism in countries such as Germany and Italy was rendered impotent in the face of social democrats and other reformists whose doctrine was inspired by an awfully revised body of Marxist theory, fully tailored to bourgeois interests. The efforts of the Communist Party of Germany to form an anti-fascist united front were willingly countered by the Social Democrats, in harmony with Adolf Hitler. As a result, socialist revolution in Germany sputtered out before it even truly began and the country was plunged into over a decade of Nazi tyranny.

Thus, the aims of the revisionists and opportunists in the countries which have not yet underwent a socialist revolution and establishment of a workers' state are clear — introduce pugnacious separations (national, ethnic, political, etc.) within the working class which detract from class struggle, isolate the party from the people, divert sentiments which would otherwise be revolutionary and class conscious into those which uphold capitalist wage-slavery and imperialism, and ultimately liquidate worker-led socialist organizations which are politically independent from the capitalist state and bring them under the yoke of bourgeois interests and politics, depriving the working class of the ability to operate outside of the confines of bourgeois democracy, in the process abating the prospect of revolution.

Revisionism in socialist countries

In the countries where the working class has already overthrown the capitalist state, established a revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat, and initiated the process of socialist construction, the revisionists' tasks diverge from their counterparts in capitalist countries. Rather then seeking to preserve capitalism in the ways detailed prior, they must restore it, regressing socialism back to capitalism. There are two primary angles through which the forces of revisionism assails the socialist state; internal and external.

Firstly, we address the internal methods of revisionism. The nature of socialism in its early phase — just following the revolution — is one in which the exploiters, being overthrown and on the verge of extinction, intensify their struggle against the working class forces a thousand-fold to preserve their endangered property and status:

The dictatorship of the proletariat means a most determined and most ruthless war waged by the new class against a more powerful enemy, the bourgeoisie, whose resistance is increased tenfold by their overthrow (even if only in a single country), and whose power lies, not only in the strength of international capital, the strength and durability of their international connections, but also in the force of habit, in the strength of small-scale production.” [Emphasis mine: S.W.]

--Vladimir Lenin, "Left-Wing" Communism: An Infantile Disorder

This counter-revolutionary struggle may be explicit in its capitalist aims or concealed. The moribund exploiters — in unison with the petite-bourgeoisie and peasantry whose class interests are not yet definitively proletarian — may seek to encourage and propagate deviations within the communist party and state apparatus, support opportunist bureaucrats, and broadly campaign to overturn the Leninist line with a revisionist line of exploiter “socialism”.

Revisionism which springs up within the socialist state ultimately has its basis in small production; the mass of semi-proletarian, agrarian middle peasants and petite-bourgeois proprietors who possess a tendency to vacillate in class struggle and whose interest in socialism is submerged in doubt in even the best of times in the course of the revolution:

The social basis of the deviations is the fact that small-scale production predominates in our country, the fact that small-scale production gives rise to capitalist elements, the fact that our Party is surrounded by petty-bourgeois elemental forces, and, lastly, the fact that certain of our Party organisations have been infected by these elemental forces.

There, in the main, lies the social basis of the deviations. All these deviations are of a petty-bourgeois character”

--Joseph Stalin, Industrialization of the Country and the Right-Deviation in the CPSU(B)

Secondly, we now move to the external methods of revisionism. It is an indisputable fact that the initial socialist states will have to bear with an encirclement of capitalist-imperialist states whose ruling class seeks pugnaciously to destroy the stronghold of people's power on its borders. The capitalist states may pursue a route of overt military aggression and war against the socialist states. However, they may recognize the potential value of revisionism and opportunism in the socialist state as agents of capitalist restoration; a Trojan horse by which their goal of defeating the revolution will be realized without the need for brutal warfare and aggression (and from it, the potential of their defeat).


Thus, the bourgeoisie of the capitalist countries will sponsor the revisionists of the socialist countries by any and all means available to them, sponsor the petite-bourgeois elements which oppose revolution, etc. For instance, in the Soviet Union under Joseph Stalin’s leadership, various deviationist and factionalist elements such as the Trotskys, Bukharins, Zinovievs, and others within the Bolshevik party conspired to destroy the proletarian state from within, or at the least weaken so as to ensure future aggression by surrounding imperialist powers would be feasible:

Trotsky, supposed originally to have inspired the formation of the ‘bloc’, had long since been linked with the … the British intelligence service! On Trotsky’s orders, Krestinsky, former Deputy People’s Commissar of Foreign Affairs, had been in the German service since 1921. Rozenholz, former People’s Commissar of Foreign Trade, joined the British service in 1926 and the German service in 1932. Rakovsky, one of the big figures of the Revolution, had served the British intelligence service since 1924, and the Japanese since 1934. And so on. All this Bukharin and Rykov had connived at, since they too were foreign agents.”

--Grigori Tokaty, Trotskyist Conspiracy and the Deaths in the 1937-1938 period

On this topic, it must be stated that the internal and external methods of revisionism are not mutually exclusive. For instance, a revisionist movement which arose from the domestic petite-bourgeoisie and large peasantry may receive a considerable portion of its funding from foreign imperialists. It is more so the case of how these two sources of revisionism amalgamate to devastate a revolution.

Socialist countries under Revisionism

Once a socialist country has fallen under the rule of revisionist elements in the manner detailed previously, its ruling clique has one omnipresent goal to which it, consciously or subconsciously, pursues with the utmost determination — the reversal of all gains made by the revolutionary proletariat and the full restoration of capitalism.

Yet to attain this objective, the aims of the revisionists must be concealed under a mountain of deceit and fabrications so as to throw sand into the eyes of the people who, despite experiencing a reversal from the dictatorship of the proletariat, still maintain the potential to overthrow the distorters and revitalize the revolution.

The process by which the revisionists begin the restoration of capitalism is not inherently spontaneous. In the Soviet Union, the revisionist clique of Nikita Khrushchev refrained for a whole three years after their seizure of power in 1953 to, at the infamous 20th congress of the CPSU in 1956, openly disband the proletarian state and deviate from the socialist construction led by Joseph Stalin.

In place of the dictatorship of the proletariat, the Soviet revisionists installed a so-called “state of the whole people”,2 wherein the proletariat was to share power with the bourgeoisie and large peasants. In truth, this “whole people state” was a dictatorship of the revived bourgeoisie in the Soviet Union, and its creation marked the process by which the newly-capitalist state assaulted the socialist economy.

The nature of revisionist governance is two-fold; its domestic and foreign pursuits.

Domestically, the revisionists pursue a policy of social-fascism. They sow and aggravate national and ethnic divisions within the working class, replace the state of the armed workers with a state of detached functionaries servile to bourgeois interests, and restore old economic relations and from it power and privilege of the capitalist exploiters. The revisionists will still maintain the symbols and to a certain degree rhetoric of the previous revolutionary state as part of their efforts to deceive the masses, comparable to the pseudo-socialist demagogy employed by Hitler and Mussolini.

Internationally, the revisionists pursue the policy of social-imperialism. They will force smaller, previously socialist nations into subjugated peripheries. They will exploit their neighbors, often under the veil of “internationalist” aid and solidarity, all the while devolving them into economic dependencies and military outposts for future aggression.

These two pursuits — social-fascism and social-imperialism — are maintained by the revisionists in power until their goal of capitalist restoration is fully realized and the class consciousness and vigor of the people has been eroded. At this stage, the veil of “socialist” symbols and rhetoric is no longer needed for the revived bourgeoisie in the revisionist countries. Their counter-revolution is concluded with the final destruction of even the fainest remains of the old socialist project, and their rule is now that of an open dictatorship of the bourgeoisie.

Returning to the example of the Soviet Union, the Khrushchevite-Brezhevite group ruled the country for a period of roughly forty years, introducing regression after regression, attack after attack, upon the socialist mode of production. The revisionists destroyed the people’s democracies of Eastern Europe and forced them into the social-imperialist Warsaw Pact and Council for Mutual Economic Assistance, turning countries such as Cuba into little more than sugar colonies operating in the sole interest of Soviet bourgeois profits.

The gradual process of capitalist restoration in the Soviet Union and elsewhere finally reached its sudden end with the dissolution of the Union itself in 1991 against the wishes of the Soviet people. At present, revisionists continue to rule other states which most notably includes the People’s Republic of China, which has grown to represent one of the largest imperialist powers in the world.

Tendencies of Revisionism

To truly understand the features of revisionism requires an understanding of its various tendencies, both present and historical. To detail exhaustively all the many forms of revisionism would be too herculean a task for this work. However, meaning can still be gained from studying first of all the major tendencies of revisionism, the ones whose influence persists directly or indirectly into the socialist movement to the modern day.

Soviet revisionism

The Soviet Union — previously a bulwark of socialism — constituted one of the first revisionist states alongside Mao’s China and Tito’s Yugoslavia. After the defeat of the initial wave of Soviet revisionism as represented in the tendencies of Trotskyism and Bukharinism, the deviationists and opportunists took on a more concealed approach, seeking to slowly detach the Communist Party from the people and provide power to a bureaucratic clique without the knowledge of the administration of Stalin who fought pugnaciously for further democratization.

Under the leadership of Nikita Khrushchev and Leonid Brezhnev, the Soviet revisionists introduced various deviation and distortions, declaring the proletarian dictatorship obsolete in favor of the “state of the whole people”, rejecting class struggle and revolution in favor of a “peaceful transition” to socialism, collaborating with the imperialist powers under the guise of “peaceful coexistence”, and so forth.

These revisionist fabrications were propagated at the same time as capitalism was being restored and the socialist past discarded with campaigns of “de-Stalinization”. The Khrushchevite-Brezhevite line was enforced on the parties of the Soviet social-imperialist bloc in Eastern Europe and elsewhere, most of which would met a similar fate to the Soviet Communist Party in the late 1980s and early 1990s, totally abandoning any remaining vestiges of revolutionary communism in favor of openly capitalist ideology.


American revisionism

In the United States, various movements have fallen into revisionist deviations, the most notable of which includes Browderism and other distortions which emerged from the Communist Party of the United States.

In the 1940s, the American Communist Party fell under the influence of the distortions of Earl Browder, who advocated class collaboration, bourgeois nationalism, and otherwise reduced socialism to a distant prospect while replacing revolutionary ideals with American chauvinism and exceptionalism. Even following the liquidation of the American Communist Party, its reformation, and removal of Browder, the Party never restored its revolutionary outlook and would merely fall under the influence of Soviet revisionism during the leadership of Gus Hall throughout the later 20th century.

After the dissolution of the Soviet Union and Hall’s death in 2000, the American Communist Party under Sam Webb’s and later Joe Sims’ tenure would regress into various reformist deviations, endorsing bourgeois parties and rejecting Marxist principles.
American revisionism continues on in various forms outside of the American Communist Party, particularly among the “Patriotic Socialists”4 and other social-chauvinists who reiterate the rhetoric of Earl Browder and others.

Anti-Revisionist Struggle is Essential!

That revisionism and opportunism represent major threats to the working class movement cannot be denied. This is a tendency which has seeped and removed the revolutionary desire and practice from socialist organizations, depriving them of the capacity to function independently of bourgeois politics. Revisionism fosters chauvinism, divisions among the exploited and oppressed, and in countless instances halted revolution altogether. In countries where socialism has already been attained, the rise to power of revisionists has culminated in the full restoration of capitalism and regression of class struggle by a matter of decades at the least.

Yet to look at revisionism without understanding its basis and causes would be futile. Only by understanding the basis of revisionism in aspects such as the party’s detachment from the working class, petite-bourgeois inclinations, bureaucracy, and so forth can this tendency be truly combated.

This does not change the situation in the workers’ movement — revisionism has taken hold of countless organizations and its propagandists deceive increasingly larger members of the proletariat who are seeking a truly revolutionary organization in this period of capitalist crisis. Thus, it is among the foremost tasks of communists to engage in anti-revisionist struggle; expose the distorters of revolutionary principles and reveal their nature as agents of the bourgeoisie and enemies of people.

Workers of the world, unite!
Notes1. As this may result in confusion to those unfamiliar with these concepts, it must be noted that the socialist state is that of the sole rule of the proletariat in alliance with certain progressive elements such as the small and middle peasantry. A state cannot be “above-class” or “non-class”, for as Lenin stated in his work “Democracy” and Dictatorship:
The Scheidemanns and Kautsky's speak about "pure democracy" and "democracy" in general for the purpose of deceiving the people and concealing from them the bourgeois character of present-day democracy. Let the bourgeoisie continue to keep the entire apparatus of state power in their hands, let a handful of exploiters continue to use the former, bourgeois, state machine! Elections held in such circumstances are lauded by the bourgeoisie, for very good reasons, as being "free", "equal", "democratic" and "universal". These words are designed to conceal the truth, to conceal the fact that the means of production and political power remain in the hands of the exploiters, and that therefore real freedom and real equality for the exploited, that is, for the vast majority of the population, are out of the question.”
Thus the Soviet revisionist theory of a “state of the whole people” could only ever be cover for what was truly a dictatorship of the bourgeoisie.
2. Commonly known in English as the “Shining Path”. Self-declared as the “Communist Party of Peru”. 
3. A reactionary, social-fascist tendency which emerged in the United States in the 21st century that seeks to combine American chauvinism and nationalism with certain socialist symbols and rhetoric. A restoration of Browderism in many respects.

Starting Points of Unity

Preface: Why We Organize

The world we live in today is defined by crisis. Every day, workers everywhere deal with poverty, war,
climate disasters, and the lasting violence of colonialism. The system we live under — capitalism —
isn’t just about money. It’s a global system built on racism, patriarchy, and class domination. It makes
its profits through war, destroying the planet, exploiting impoverished countries, and keeping regular
people isolated, exhausted, and disconnected from each other.

The people at the top — the capitalist class — use borders, cops, prisons, armies, and oppression to
protect their power and wealth. At the heart of this system is a fight between those who own and
control everything, and those of us who are forced to work, struggle, and survive under their rule.
Issues like racism, patriarchy, and imperialism aren’t just side issues — they’re tools that help keep this system going. That’s why real liberation requires them all on, together. The fight for working-class
freedom is inseparable from the fight for the freedom of all oppressed people, no matter their race,
gender, sexuality, nationality, or ability.

Marxism is not dusty list of tomes filled with 19th and 20th century assumptions. Marxism is a tool that
allows us to understand the world around us, figure out why things are the way they are, and — most
importantly — how we can change them. It develops by paying attention to what’s happening now —
climate breakdown, forced migration, mental health crises, and the rise of organized fascist violence — and by learning from each other through collective struggle against these systems.

What follows are the basic principles that we organize around. They aren’t meant to be the final word,
but rather a starting place — principles to build on, test in the real world, and sharpen together through our collective struggle for the liberation of the working class.

Starting Points of Unity

1. Marxism Is a Tool, Not a Religion

We use Marxism as a method to understand how the world works and how to change it — not as a
fixed set of rules. The world changes, so we must change too. We must study the world around around us and constantly challenging our own assumptions.

2. Personal Struggle Is Political and Institutional

Trauma, anxiety, loneliness, and depression are not just personal problems. They are the result of being forced to live in a system built on exploitation, control, and hatred. Only by supporting each other and addressing harm both inside and outside our movement can we fight against exploitation and abuse.

3. Real Democracy Means Shared Power and Unity in Action

Democracy in a revolutionary organization falls apart when a few people hoard power while the rest
are expected to fall in line. Real democracy means open discussion, honest disagreement, and decisions made together. But once a decision’s made, we move as one.

4. Don’t Get Lost in Labels

We care about what works, not about chasing political labels or winning purity contests. Theory should come from practice, and politics should be about uniting people to fight for real material change — not dividing them into cliques and subcultures.

5. We Organize for Revolution, Not Clout

We aren’t here to reenact past revolutions, or build careers off struggle. Our goal is to build real,
organized, working-class power to confront capitalism, patriarchy, white supremacy, imperialism, and
ecological collapse.

6. Ideas Have to Be Tested in Action

No idea matters if it doesn’t work in real life. Our politics must be developed through organizing in our workplaces, neighborhoods, and communities; in our unions, mutual-aid networks, student groups, and parties.

7. Listen First, Then Speak

Revolutionary politics come from listening to the people most impacted by oppression. Real revolutionary strategy comes from those struggles — not from detached theory or self-appointed
experts. We stay grounded in the communities we fight alongside and take direction from their
experiences and knowledge.

8. Build Healthy and Supportive Organizing

We reject all forms of abuse and harassment. Abuse and harassment does nothing but disrupt our
work, undermine our trust in each other, and sabotage our movement, often from above. A revolutionary movement worth building has to reflect the world we’re fighting for — a world where people look out for each other and abuse isn’t tolerated.

9. The Working Class Must Seize State Power

To bring about socialism and end capitalist class rule, the working class must seize and transform state power. It is not enough to inherit the existing machinery of the state, nor to replicate the systems of capitalist rule that we seek to abolish. We must build new democratic structures that empower working people, dismantle oppression at its roots, and prepare the transition to socialism.


Worker’s of the World Unite!

Statement on the Condition of the American Left

Many communists would ask: Why is the Committee for a Communist Labor Party a necessity? Are there not half-a-dozen communist organizations ...